September 21, 1993 Yeltsin a coup d'etat took place. In accordance with the Constitution and the opinion of the Constitutional Court, Yeltsin and power ministers are legally suspended from their duties. Rutskoi and the new ministers took up their statutory duties. The defenders of the parliament had practically no weapons! In total, automatic weapons were issued: 74 AKS-74U, 5 RPK-74. Starting September 24th, Yeltsin almost every night he tried to organize an armed assault on the parliament; the massacre was postponed and postponed to the next night due to circumstances beyond his control.
The first official warning that an assault on the "White House" would be undertaken in case of refusal to comply was issued on September 24th. On the same day, the 10th (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies decided on the simultaneous re-election of deputies and the president no later than March 1994.
The Russian House of Soviets was surrounded by " Bruno's spiral”, submachine gunners and armored personnel carriers, a complete blockade of the parliament was carried out: on September 21, all types of communications were turned off, on September 23, electricity, heat and hot water were turned off, on September 28, the entrance of people and transport, the supply of food and medicines were completely blocked (for example, on September 27), they did not let ambulances through, even to people with such diagnoses as, for example, “acute cerebrovascular accident” (27.09), “fracture of the cervical spine” (28.09), “unstable angina pectoris” (1.10). The temperature in the building dropped below 8 degrees, on the street during the day - up to -9 and -12 degrees Celsius.
“Conclusions: In medical terms, the emergency in the White House did not arise on October 4, but on September 27, when several thousand people, due to their beliefs, did not leave the besieged area, were on duty around the clock at the barricades in any weather, deprived of basic amenities due to power outages , communications, heating, subjected to constant nervous and physical strain, turned out to be deprived of the right to medical care by the will of the leadership of the Main Medical Directorate of Moscow and CEMP. We can't call it anything but malfeasance. We affirm that if the State Medical University and CEMP organized the timely delivery of medicines, the necessary honey. equipment, organized constant duty in the cordon zone, and not outside, ambulance crews, even if they were simply neutral in helping the victims, the number of victims during the events of October 3-4 would be much less. (Information material on the state of medical support for the defenders of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation from September 21 to October 4, 1993. From a report prepared by doctors of the Rescue Center of the I.M. Sechenov Moscow Medical Academy)
On September 29, the government of the Russian Federation and Moscow issued an ultimatum - everyone should leave the House of Soviets by October 4, otherwise there would be "serious consequences." On September 30, 62 constituent entities of the Federation supported the parliament and presented Yeltsin with an ultimatum demanding simultaneous re-elections. The decisive meeting of the Council of Federations is scheduled for 18.00 on October 3rd. The continuation of negotiations under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church was scheduled for 16:00 on October 3.
Yeltsin spoke out against the idea of early simultaneous re-elections. Chernomyrdin also refused the demand for a peaceful solution, stating that they had "another solution." Solution shoot parliament by October 4 was taken between September 29 and 30, preparations were made openly. September 30th Shakhrai appointed head of the legal support group for Decree No. 1400 with instructions to complete the work precisely by October 4. October 1 Poltoranin sent a letter to the editors-in-chief with an order-requirement "to treat with understanding the measures that the President will take on October 4th" and "not to dramatize their possible consequences." On the afternoon of October 3, at the direction of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate, telephone messages were received from the Main Medical Directorate of Moscow about the planned admission of the wounded to all hospitals in Moscow.
A specially prepared provocation was supposed to justify the execution of the parliament; by order of “acting peer" MVD officers were entrusted with a stick war provoke demonstrators to retaliatory violence. On October 3, from a third to half a million unarmed citizens came out in support of the parliament from October Square in Moscow. The demonstrators marched in an organized column to the White House and Ostankino. After the demonstrators broke through to the White House, machine-gun fire was opened on people on the front stairs and at the 20th entrance of the parliament. The machine gunners of the Ministry of Internal Affairs from the mayor's office, by order, went on the attack on the "White House". Shooting from the City Hall and the Mir Hotel at the door of the White House killed 7 people and wounded 34. This was the first mass execution and the beginning of the storming of Parliament. The unforeseen pause at 3 p.m. was caused both by the defection of two companies of the Sofrino brigade, together with 200 OMSDON troops, to the side of the parliament, and by the decisive actions of the demonstrators.
At 3 pm on October 3, Yerin ordered the Ministry of Internal Affairs to open fire to kill hundreds of thousands of unarmed people. At 4 p.m. Yeltsin signed Decree No. 1575 and freed the army from criminal liability for violations of the law, a Grachev ordered the army units to join the executioners from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Execution of supporters of Parliament was sanctioned by Yeltsin and the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and everything that followed from 16.00 on October 3 no longer mattered.
At 16.05 after shelling the parliament and killing the first people Rutskoi gave the order to storm the city hall and march to Ostankino. City Hall (from the moment the first demonstrator entered its doors) was taken without a shot being fired. On October 3, a categorical order was in effect Rutsky and Achalova O non-use of weapons. Bloodshed in City Hall was averted thanks to Makashov. The road to Ostankino was blocked by superior armed units of the Dzerzhinsky division of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on trucks and armored personnel carriers. A motorcade of demonstrators stopped in front of them. By order of the commander of the VV A.S. Kulikova This convoy was voluntarily let through by the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The Ministry of Internal Affairs knew that there were only two dozen people with weapons in the column.
Having missed the column at Ostankino, near Chekhov Street, the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on trucks and 10 Vityaz armored personnel carriers overtook the column of demonstrators and went ahead into an ambush at Ostankino, where they were located behind the building of the technical center. Near the Ostankino television center on October 3, from 17.45 to 19.10, a peaceful rally was going on for an hour and a half demanding that the parliament be aired. No attempts were made to storm or penetrate the television center building by the demonstrators. Despite the requirement Makashova enter into negotiations Bragin didn't show up. Demonstrators with official credentials warned everyone about the responsibility for any shot, paying special attention to the special forces. They were informed that there was an unarmed demonstration of two hundred thousand people. Makashov guaranteed the commander of the Vityaz armored personnel carrier group that not a single shot would be fired by the demonstrators.
By the beginning of the execution, there were less than 4,000 unarmed demonstrators in Ostankino, who arrived by car, they were guarded by 18 armed people. The television center was guarded by 25 armored personnel carriers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and more than 510 (690) submachine gunners of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At about 19.00, the leadership of the police guard of the ASK-3 technical center, on their own initiative, entered into negotiations, where they announced Makashov about readiness to pass under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Council and transfer the technical center to its official representatives. The police officer was seized on the street by an officer of Dzerzhinsky's division and kept by force in the building of the technical center. The Vityaz special forces opposing the police avoided negotiations. After the truck rammed the entrance doors to the technical center, General Makashov without weapons, one went out into the lobby for negotiations. He suggested that the commandos not interfere with the legitimate authorities and gave them time to freely leave the building. Sternly warned about the inadmissibility of any shot.
The first shot at Ostankino was fired from the roof of the TV center ASK-1 special forces "Vityaz"! They fired without warning. The order to open fire was personally given by Major General VV Pavel Golubets. A demonstrator at the entrance to the ASK-3 technical center was seriously wounded by a shot. The police of the technical center from the end of the building for the second time announced their transition to the side of the parliament and called Makashova. Two minutes after the first shot, the special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs from the ASK-3 hall threw two or three grenades at the feet of the crowd and, in a coordinated manner, began to shoot people on Korolev Street from two buildings. From the technical center they fired to kill from a machine gun and machine guns, from the roof of the television center four machine gunners fired. A group of people at the entrance to ASK-3 was completely destroyed only one person survived.
Of the armed guards of the motorcade, more than half were killed on the spot, the survivors left Ostankino through the grove during a lull by 21.00. Makashov did not give an order to return fire, and none of the demonstrators fired. The shooting of the soldiers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs at unarmed people, the wounded and the orderlies continued until the approach of the two hundred thousandth peaceful demonstration. Shooting at emerging and moving targets at night in conditions of limited visibility - the head of the shooting at the site - lieutenant colonel Lysyuk. After the execution of the demonstrators near the ASK-3 (technical center) building, a two hundred thousand column of unarmed demonstrators from Oktyabrskaya Square approached the building of the ASK-1 television center. The peaceful demonstration was met with machine-gun and machine-gun bursts point-blank.
Six delegates-demonstrators from officers and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs came to negotiations with the "Vityaz" and demanded an immediate ceasefire, explaining that only unarmed people were on the street. The "Knights" ceased fire for half an hour and, as a condition for the continuation of negotiations, put forward a demand that everyone go beyond the fence of the television center building. As soon as the deceived people went beyond the fence, they were methodically shot from small arms and armored personnel carriers. The execution continued until 5.45 on October 4th. Single shots were heard until 12.00. They shot the wounded, and the orderlies, and the ambulances. The assault and shooting of the parliament on October 4, 1993 began suddenly, without any announcement or prior warning. The attackers did not make any proposals to surrender or withdraw women and children from the building. No ultimatums on capitulation were issued to Parliament. About 40 unarmed people were killed in the first bursts from the armored personnel carrier.
According to Rutsky, in the "White House" at the time of the attack there were up to 10 thousand people, including women and children. repeated demands Rutsky to cease fire on the "White House" and to give the opportunity to withdraw women and children from the building of the House of Soviets to the stormers, they did not have any action - the fire did not stop for 10 hours! During this time, the leaders of the action did not make a single offer to surrender to the people being shot in the House of Soviets, they were not given the opportunity to take women and children out of the fire, which had to be done under fire, with losses.
On October 4, armored vehicles and troops were sent to shoot the parliament with an unprecedented and unjustified advantage: For each machine gun of the defenders of parliament, exactly three units of armored vehicles were thrown into battle - two cannons and two tank machine guns each (one heavy machine gun and one machine gun Kalashnikov), one sniper each. To kill an individual child, a woman or a man in the House of Soviets was assigned to a whole platoon or squad of drunk machine gunners. Only about 121-145 people did not give up and escaped alive from the "White House", of which about 71 (95) people went out through underground communications on October 4 and 5 in different directions, about 50 people broke through the top of the 4- th October in the direction of Krasnopresnenskaya metro station.
There is no statute of limitations on murders! On October 4th, the order Erina-Kulikova(Ministry of Internal Affairs), Grachev(My Barsukova(GUO): - destroy those in the "White House"! Orders for total destruction and shooting to kill were openly transmitted by radio by the commanders of the assault. Badgers officially ordered Alpha to destroy those in the White House, Grachev- tankers, Tula and Tamans, Erin- OMON and Dzerzhinsk. Korzhakov already after the withdrawal of the prisoners to the stairs of the White House, he publicly demanded the execution of the defenders of parliament: “ I have an order - to eliminate everyone who is in uniform!
After the deputies left with Alfa, this order was exactly carried out. All the remaining defenders of the parliament were destroyed, with the exception of those arrested on the afternoon of October 5 in the basement - four policemen of the OSN Department of Security and several local workers, as well as sixteen defenders from the barrier of the 14th entrance (arrested at 3.30 on October 5 on the 6th floor of the "White House" ). The bodies of the executed were secretly removed and destroyed.
The proof that the order was carried out is that, according to the official data, not a single wounded and not a single corpse was found in the parliament building. Those who were killed on the street, collected by medical teams, were officially declared dead in the "White House" Yu. Kholkhin and A. Shestakov. Recognizing the fact of the massacre of the people who remained in the "White House" and the fact of the secret removal and burial of their bodies, it is impossible to answer the question of the exact number of people killed without a special investigation. In any case, it's about hundreds of people shot in the White House building.
October 3-5 Mercenaries Yeltsin died only from their own bullets! Almost all of the dead, according to official figures, from among those who shot the parliament or demonstrators in Ostankino, were killed by units Erina(MVD) and Barsukova(GUO). Official data on the losses and number of troops involved in the coup d'état and massacres: GUO (18,000) - only 1 killed: killed by a sniper of the GUO of the Russian Federation from the premises completely controlled by the GUO and the Ministry of Internal Affairs! MO (more than 9,000) - a total of 6 killed, of which 6 were killed by Yeltsin's units (1 - OMON, 1 - MVD from an armored personnel carrier, 3 - GUO, 1 - taken "captive" and, apparently, shot by order of the commanders of the MVD or GUO )! Ministry of Internal Affairs and VV (more than 40,000) - a total of 5 killed (and one mortally wounded), of which 3 were killed or died due to the fault of Yeltsin's units, 2 - not established, 1 - along with the entire crew of the armored personnel carrier was destroyed from a grenade launcher 119 pdp.
The defenders of parliament practically did not shoot! Not a single one who died from their bullets is known! The circumstances of the death of only 2 military personnel - mercenaries - have not been clarified.
Yeltsin's decree No. 1400 is an act of a coup d'état!!!
The truth about the 1993 White House shooting
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The October Putsch (the shooting of the White House) is an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation in September-October 1993, which occurred as a result of the constitutional crisis in the country that arose after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The October Putsch has gone down in history as one of the most violent and brutal coup d'état in modern history. The riots that took place on the streets of Moscow with the participation of the armed forces claimed the lives of many people, and even more were injured. The October coup is also known as the "execution of the White House" due to the armed assault on the White House (where the government was sitting) using tanks and heavy equipment.
Reasons for the putsch. Confrontation of political forces
The October coup was the result of a long crisis in power, which had been dragging on since 1992 and was associated with the confrontation between the old government, which had remained since the days of the USSR, and the new one. The new government was headed by President Boris Yeltsin (who seized power as a result of the August putsch of 1991), who was a supporter of complete separation (later the Russian Federation) from the USSR and the destruction of all remnants of the Soviet system of government. Yeltsin was supported by the government headed by Chernomyrdin, some people's deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet. On the other side of the barricades were opponents of the political and economic reforms carried out by Yeltsin. This side was supported by the bulk of the members of the Supreme Council, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, as well as Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
Yeltsin did not suit all members of the government. In addition, the reforms that Yeltsin introduced in his early years as president raised a lot of questions and, in the opinion of some, only exacerbated the crisis that reigned in the country. The unresolved issue with the Constitution of the Russian Federation also complicated the situation. As a result, dissatisfaction with the actions of the new government grew to the point that a special council was convened, at which it was planned to decide on the issue of confidence in the president and the Supreme Council, since conflicts within the government only aggravated the situation in the country.
The course of the October Putsch
On September 21, Boris Yeltsin issued the famous "Decree 1400", by which he announced the decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies. However, this decision contradicted the Constitution in force at that time, therefore, legally, Boris Yeltsin was automatically removed from the post of President of the Russian Federation. Despite this, Yeltsin continued to act as president, ignoring his legal status and government dissatisfaction.
On the same day, the Supreme Council met and, together with the Congress of People's Deputies, stated the fact of violation of the Constitution and declared Yeltsin's actions a coup d'état. Yeltsin did not listen to these arguments and continued to pursue his policy.
On September 22, the Supreme Council continued its work. Yeltsin was replaced by Rutskoi, who overturned the former president's decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet. An emergency Congress of People's Deputies was convened, at which a decision was made on a number of dismissals of representatives of the "Yeltsin" cabinet of ministers. Amendments to the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation were adopted, which provided for criminal liability for a coup d'état.
On September 23, the Supreme Council continued its meeting, and Yeltsin, despite his status, issued a decree on early presidential elections. On the same day, there was an attack on the building of the joint command of the CIS Armed Forces. The military began to be involved in the coup, control began to be strengthened.
On September 24, the Deputy Minister of Defense issued an ultimatum to the members of the Supreme Council, according to which they must surrender all weapons, close the Congress and leave the building. Then the deputies were forbidden to leave the building of the White House (supposedly for their safety).
From that moment on, the situation began to worsen. Both sides began to erect barricades, rallies and armed clashes did not stop on the streets of Moscow, but the Supreme Soviet continued to meet, refusing to leave the building.
On October 1, under the patronage of Patriarch Alexei the 2nd, negotiations were held between the parties, as a result of which, on October 2, the parties began to remove the exposed barricades. However, a little later, the Supreme Council announced the rejection of the agreement reached. The building of the White House was again disconnected from electricity and began to be surrounded by barricades, and the negotiations were postponed to October 3, but due to numerous rallies in the city, the negotiations never took place.
On October 4, there was a tank assault on the White House building, during which many deputies were killed and wounded.
The results and significance of the October putsch
Estimates of the October coup are ambiguous. Someone believes that the Yeltsin government seized power by force and destroyed the Supreme Soviet, someone says that Yeltsin was forced to take such measures because of the ongoing conflicts. As a result of the coup d'etat in September-October 1993, the Russian Federation finally got rid of the legacy of the USSR, completely changed the system of government and finally turned into a presidential republic.
In the fall of 1993, the conflict between the branches of power led to fighting on the streets of Moscow, the shooting of the White House and hundreds of victims. According to many, then the fate of not only the political structure of Russia, but also the integrity of the country was being decided.
This event has many names - "The shooting of the White House", "October uprising of 1993", "Decree 1400", "October coup", "Yeltsin's coup of 1993", "Black October". However, it is the latter that is neutral in nature, reflecting the tragedy of the situation that arose due to the unwillingness of the warring parties to compromise. [S-BLOCK]
The internal political crisis in the Russian Federation, which has been developing since the end of 1992, resulted in a clash between supporters of President Boris Yeltsin on the one hand and the Supreme Council on the other. Political scientists see this as the apogee of the conflict between the two models of power: the new liberal-democratic and the obsolete Soviet.
The result of the confrontation was the forcible termination of the operation of the Supreme Soviet in Russia, which had existed since 1938, as the highest body of state power. In the clashes between the opposing sides in Moscow, which peaked on October 3-4, 1993, according to official figures, at least 158 people were killed, another 423 were injured or otherwise injured.
Russian society still does not have clear answers to a number of key questions about those tragic days. There are only versions of participants and eyewitnesses of events, journalists, political scientists. The investigation into the actions of the conflicting parties, initiated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, remained incomplete. The investigative group was dissolved by the State Duma after a decision was made on the amnesty of all persons involved in the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993.
Relinquish power
It all started in December 1992, when, at the 7th Congress of People's Deputies, parliamentarians and the leadership of the Supreme Soviet sharply criticized Yegor Gaidar's government. As a result, the reformer's candidacy, nominated by the president for the post of chairman of the government, was not approved by the Congress.
Yeltsin, in response, lashed out at the deputies and proposed for discussion the idea of an all-Russian referendum on the issue of confidence. “What force has drawn us into this black streak? Yeltsin thought. - First of all - the constitutional ambiguity. Oath on the Constitution, the constitutional duty of the president. And at the same time, his full limitation of rights.
On March 20, 1993, Yeltsin, in a televised address to the people, announced the suspension of the Constitution and the introduction of a "special procedure for governing the country." Three days later, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation reacted, recognizing Yeltsin's actions as unconstitutional and seeing them as grounds for removing the president from office.
On March 28, the Congress of People's Deputies was already involved, which rejected the draft on calling early presidential and parliamentary elections and held a vote on the removal of Yeltsin from office. But the impeachment attempt failed. 617 deputies voted for the removal of the president from office, with the required 689 votes.
On April 25, a nationwide referendum initiated by Yeltsin was held, at which the majority supported the president and the government and spoke in favor of holding early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation. Boris Yeltsin's opponents, dissatisfied with the results of the referendum, went to a demonstration on May 1, which was dispersed by riot police. On this day, the first blood was shed.
fatal decree
But Yeltsin's confrontation with the Supreme Soviet, headed by Speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov and Vice President Alexander Rutskoi, was just beginning. On September 1, 1993, Yeltsin, by his decree, temporarily suspended Rutskoy from his duties "in connection with the ongoing investigation, and also due to the lack of instructions to the vice president."
However, Rutskoi's accusations of corruption were not confirmed - compromising documents were found to be fake. Parliamentarians then sharply condemned the presidential decree, believing that it intruded into the sphere of authority of the judiciary of state power.
But Yeltsin does not stop and on September 21 signs the fatal decree No. 1400 "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", which ultimately provoked riots in the capital. The decree ordered the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet to cease their activities “in order to preserve the unity and integrity of the Russian Federation; leading the country out of the economic and political crisis. [S-BLOCK]
A coup d'état was brewing in the country. According to political scientists, Yeltsin's opponents had motives for removing the incumbent president. Khasbulatov, by the time the Congress of People's Deputies was dissolved, had lost his constituency, since Chechnya had de facto separated from Russia. Rutskoi had no chance of winning the presidential election, but as acting president he could count on rising popularity.
As a result of Decree No. 1400, in accordance with Article 121.6 of the current Constitution, Yeltsin was automatically removed from the post of president, since his powers could not be used to dissolve or suspend the activities of any legally elected bodies of state power. The post of head of state de jure passed to Vice President Rutskoi.
President acts
Back in August 1993, Yeltsin predicted a "hot autumn." He frequented the bases of key army units in the Moscow region, at the same time he received a two-three-fold increase in the salaries of the officers.
In early September, by order of Yeltsin, the head of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, was deprived of a car with a special connection, and the building of the Constitutional Court itself was released from protection. At the same time, the Grand Kremlin Palace was closed for repairs, and the deputies who lost their premises for work were forced to move to the White House.
On September 23, Yeltsin reached the White House. After the deputies and members of the Supreme Council refused to leave the building, the government turned off the heating, water, electricity and telephone in it. The White House was surrounded by three cordons of barbed wire and several thousand soldiers. However, the defenders of the Supreme Council also had weapons.
A few days before the events, Yeltsin met with Minister of Defense Pavel Grachev and Director of the Federal Security Service Mikhail Barsukov at the government dacha in Zavidovo. The former head of the presidential security Alexander Korzhakov told how Barsukov proposed to conduct command and staff exercises to work out the interaction between those units that may have to fight in the capital.
In response, Grachev started up: “Are you panicking, Misha? Yes, I will tear everyone there with my paratroopers. And B.N. supported him: “Sergeich knows better. He passed Afghanistan." And you, they say, are “parquet”, shut up, ”Korzhakov recalled the conversation.
The Patriarch of All Russia Alexy II tried to prevent the imminent drama. With his mediation, on October 1, the conflicting parties signed a Protocol that provided for the beginning of the withdrawal of troops from the House of Soviets and the disarmament of its defenders. However, the White House Defense Staff, together with the deputies, denounced the Protocol and was ready to continue the confrontation.
On October 3, riots began in Moscow: the cordon around the White House building was broken by supporters of the Supreme Soviet, and a group of armed men led by General Albert Makashov seized the building of the Moscow City Hall. At the same time, demonstrations in support of the Supreme Soviet were held in many places in the capital, in which the participants in the actions actively clashed with the police.
After Rutskoi's call, a crowd of demonstrators moved towards the television center, intending to seize it in order to give the leaders of the parliament an opportunity to address the people. However, the armed units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were ready to meet. When a young man with a grenade launcher fired a shot to knock down the door, the troops opened fire on the demonstrators and their sympathizers. According to the Prosecutor General's Office, at least 46 people were killed and subsequently died from their wounds in the area of the television center. [S-BLOCK]
After the bloodshed near Ostankino, Yeltsin convinced Defense Minister Pavel Grachev to order army units to storm the White House. The attack began on the morning of 4 October. The inconsistency in the actions of the military led to the fact that heavy machine guns and tanks fired not only at the building, but also at unarmed people who were in the cordon zone near the House of Soviets, which led to numerous casualties. By evening, the resistance of the White House defenders was crushed.
Politician and blogger Alexander Verbin called the action on October 4 "paid military", noting that the OMON special forces and specially trained snipers, on Yeltsin's orders, shot the defenders of the Constitution. Not the last role in the behavior of the president, according to the blogger, was played by the support of the West.
The figure of Yeltsin as the head of the state built on the fragments of the USSR completely tripled the West, primarily the United States, so Western politicians actually turned a blind eye to the execution of parliament. Doctor of Law Alexander Domrin says that there are even facts that indicate the intention of the Americans to send troops to Moscow to support Yeltsin.
There is no unanimity Politics, journalists, intellectuals were divided in their opinions about the events that took place in October 1993. For example, academician Dmitry Likhachev then expressed full support for Yeltsin's actions: “The president is the only person who is elected by the people. This means that what he did is not only correct, but also logical. References to the fact that the Decree does not comply with the Constitution are nonsense.”
Russian publicist Igor Pykhalov sees Yeltsin's victory as an attempt to establish a pro-Western regime in Russia. The trouble with those events is that we did not have an organizing force capable of resisting Western influence, Pykhalov believes. The Supreme Council, according to the publicist, had a significant drawback - the people who stood on its side did not have a single leadership or a single ideology. Therefore, they could not agree and develop a position understandable to the broad masses.
Yeltsin provoked a confrontation because he was losing, according to American writer and journalist David Sutter. "The President has made no effort to work with Parliament," Sutter continues. "He didn't try to influence legislators, he didn't explain what his policy was, he ignored parliamentary debates." [S-BLOCK]
Subsequently, Yeltsin interpreted the events between September 21 and October 4 as a confrontation between democracy and communist reaction. But experts tend to see this as a struggle for power between former allies, for whom resentment over corruption in the executive branch was a powerful irritant.
Political scientist Yevgeny Gilbo believes that the confrontation between Yeltsin and Khasbulatov was beneficial to both sides, since their policy did not have a constructive reform program, and the only form of existence for them was only confrontation.
"Stupid struggle for power" - this is how the publicist Leonid Radzikhovsky expresses himself categorically. According to the Constitution then in force, the two branches of power squeezed each other. According to the stupid Soviet law, the Congress of People's Deputies had "full power", writes Radzikhovsky. But since neither deputies nor members of the Supreme Council could lead the country, the real power was in the hands of the president.
One of the main problems of the government of B.N. Yeltsin by 1993 began a relationship with the opposition. A confrontation developed with the main organizer and center of the opposition - the Russian Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet. This war between the legislative and executive authorities led the already fragile Russian statehood to a dead end.
The conflict between the two branches of power, which determined the development of Russian politics in 1993 and ended in a bloody drama in early October, had a number of reasons. One of the main ones was the growing disagreement over the socio-economic and political course of Russia's development. Among legislators, supporters of a regulated economy and the national-state direction have established themselves, while advocates of market reforms have found themselves in a clear minority. Change at the helm of government policy E.T. Gaidara V.S. Chernomyrdin only temporarily reconciled the legislative branch with the executive branch.
An important reason for the antagonism of the spirits of the branches of power was their lack of experience in interaction within the framework of the system of separation of powers, which Russia practically did not know. As the fight against the president and the government intensified, the legislature, using the right to change the constitution, began to push the executive into the background. The legislators endowed themselves with the broadest powers, including those that, according to the system of separation of powers in any of its versions, should have been the prerogative of the executive and judicial bodies. One of the amendments to the Constitution gave the Supreme Council the right to "suspend the decrees and orders of the President of the Russian Federation, cancel the orders of the Council of Ministers of the republics within the Russian Federation in case they do not comply with the laws of the Russian Federation."
In this sense, bringing the issue of the foundations of the constitutional system to the voters' court seemed to be at least some way out of the current dramatic situation. However, the Eighth Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, held from March 8 to March 12, 1993, vetoed any referenda, and the status quo was consolidated in the relationship between the two authorities in accordance with the principles of the constitution in force at that time. In response, on March 20, in an address to the citizens of Russia, Yeltsin announced that he had signed a decree on a special procedure for governing until the crisis was overcome and that a referendum on confidence in the president and vice president of the Russian Federation was scheduled for April 25, as well as on the draft of a new constitution and elections for a new parliament. In fact, presidential rule was introduced in the country until the entry into force of the new Constitution. This statement by Yeltsin provoked a sharp protest from R. Khasbulatov, A. Rutskoy, V. Zorkin and Secretary of the Russian Security Council Yu. Skokov, and three days after Yeltsin's speech, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation recognized a number of its provisions as illegal. The Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies, which gathered, made an attempt to impeach the president, and after its failure, agreed to hold a referendum, but with the wording of the questions approved by the legislators themselves. The referendum held on April 25 was attended by 64% of voters. Of these, 58.7% were in favor of trusting the president, 53% approved the social policy of the president and the government. The referendum rejected the idea of early re-elections, both for the president and legislators.
IMPACT YELTSIN
The Russian president struck first. On September 21, by decree of 1400, he announced the termination of the powers of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council. Elections to the State Duma were scheduled for December 11-12. In response, the Supreme Council swore Vice-President A. Rutskoi as President of the Russian Federation. On September 22, the White House security service began distributing weapons to citizens. On September 23, the Tenth Congress of People's Deputies began at the White House. On the night of September 23-24, armed supporters of the White House, led by Lieutenant Colonel V. Terekhov, made an unsuccessful attempt to seize the headquarters of the CIS Joint Armed Forces on Leningradsky Prospekt, as a result of which the first blood was shed.
On September 27-28, the blockade of the White House began, surrounded by police and riot police. On October 1, as a result of negotiations, the blockade was softened, but in the next two days the dialogue reached a dead end, and on October 3, the White House took decisive action to remove B.N. Yeltsin. In the evening of the same day, at the call of Rutskoy and General A. Makashov, the building of the Moscow City Hall was seized. The armed defenders of the White House moved to the studios of the Central Television in Ostankino. On the night of October 3-4, bloody clashes took place there. Decree B.N. Yeltsin, a state of emergency was introduced in Moscow, government troops began to enter the capital, and the actions of White House supporters were called by the president "an armed fascist-communist rebellion."
On the morning of October 4, government troops began a siege and tank shelling of the building of the Russian parliament. By the evening of the same day, he was taken, and his leadership, headed by R. Khasbulatov and A. Rutskoi, was arrested.
The tragic events, during which, according to official estimates, more than 150 people died, are still perceived differently by various forces and political trends in the Russian Federation today. Often these estimates are mutually exclusive. On February 23, 1994, the State Duma declared an amnesty for the participants in the events of September-October 1993. Most of the leaders of the Supreme Council and people's deputies who were in the House of Soviets during the assault on October 4 found a place for themselves in current politics, science, business and public service.
YELTSIN'S MAN: TOO MUCH COMPROMISE
« I consider the period from summer 1991 to autumn 1993 as a radical phase of the great bourgeois Russian revolution of the late 20th century, relatively speaking. Or - this formulation belongs to Alexei Mikhailovich Solomin, he also said - the First great revolution of the post-industrial era. Actually, this radical phase ended with these events, another historical period went on - this is the first.
Secondly, if we go down to a lower level, it seems to me that this was the result of Yeltsin's too compromise position. My point of view is that he should have dissolved the Congress and the Supreme Council in the spring of 1993, after the actual actions of the Supreme Council literally contradicted the results of the referendum. I must say - this is now known - since May 1993, Yeltsin has been carrying in the inner pocket of his jacket a draft of such a dissolution, which has changed all this time. As I said, the Supreme Council gave reasons for this. And then there was a maximum of popularity, then there was reliance on the decision of the referendum, it would have been possible to act, and this would not have led to such tragic and bloody events.
Yeltsin took the path of compromise, which is actually characteristic of him - we consider him so brutal and resolute, in fact, he always sought a compromise first and tried to drag everyone into the constitutional process. The result of this constitutional process, of course, did not please those who opposed it politically, because it provided for the disappearance of those main bodies that acted under the old Constitution, they defended themselves, and this defense consisted in preparing an attack on Yeltsin, in preparing a congress where he was supposed to be removed from office, in the concentration of weapons in the Parliamentary Center on Trubnaya, and so on.
G.Satarov,Assistant to Russian President Boris Yeltsin
WHAT WAS SHOT IN OCTOBER 1993?
“In October 1993, democracy was shot in Russia. Since then, this concept has been discredited in Russia, people are allergic to it. The shooting of the Supreme Council led to autocratic thinking in the country.”
› The shooting of the White House in 1993: the consequences for Russia [video]The shooting of the White House in 1993: the consequences for Russia [video]
In 1993, a historical event for Russia took place - the shooting of the White House. What are the reasons for such an act of the authorities? Was this action legitimate? What are the victims of the action and its consequences for modern Russia? Has the influence of this event on the current processes in the country faded or not?
In 1993, Americans shot at the backs of Russians
Have you ever experienced a feeling when just a few words turned your whole idea of something very important? I experienced it when I got acquainted with excerpts from the work of the State Duma commission on the impeachment of Boris Yeltsin, which studied the events of October 1993 in Moscow.
I was then 20 years old and in St. Petersburg those events in my environment were not particularly discussed: in principle, many were satisfied with the wording according to which the leader of the new Russia, Yeltsin, suppressed the creeping reptile of the Soviet counter-revolution, which consisted of the Supreme Council and several dozen lumpen who passionately desired street riots . The only embarrassing thing was that the footage of the shooting of the White House was broadcast to the whole world by the American television channel CNN. When I once found myself in the places where the shooting was going on, I saw a wooden cross, flowers and inscriptions - that the heroes who defended their country died here. I confess that at that moment something trembled in my heart: “The rabble, as the supporters of the Supreme Council were presented by television, are not able to remember their comrades like that!
And here I am reading fragments of the report of the commission, which collected incriminating materials against Boris Yeltsin with the aim of removing him from the presidency. A transcript of a meeting of a special commission on September 8, 1998, when General Viktor Sorokin, who in October 1993 held the position of deputy commander of the Airborne Forces, whose units participated in the operation to disperse the Russian parliament, gave evidence. I will quote the most important passage:
“... somewhere around 8 o'clock, the units advanced to the walls of the White House... During the advance of the unit, 5 people were killed in the regiment and 18 were wounded. Shot from behind. I have observed it myself. Shooting was carried out from the building of the American embassy ... All the dead and wounded were shot from behind ...
I found these lines in Dmitry Rogozin's book “Hawks of the World. Diary of the Russian Ambassador on pages 170 - 171. Dmitry Olegovich directly participated in the work of that commission and personally asked questions to the witness-general, and the text was taken from the minutes of the meeting.
And now think about these five words: “the shooting was carried out from the building of the American embassy ... That is, snipers fired at the Russian army in order to provoke aggression and force the fighters, who see the death of their comrades, to suppress “the rebellion harshly and evil. It was imperative to do this, because the paratroopers knew that they were going to fight with their own people, which means that some kind of hell was going on! Naturally, everyone remembered the events of 2 years ago, when Soviet officers and soldiers refused to fight against Yeltsin's defenders, and there was a big risk that the young Russian army would not go against the people either.
Yegor Gaidar and snipers in October 1993 (Ren TV "Military secret" 2009)
A bloodbath near the walls of the Russian parliament, when on October 3, 1993, the "chief rescuer" Sergei Shoigu issued a thousand machine guns to the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Yegor Gaidar, who was preparing to "defend democracy" from the Constitution.
More than 1000 units small arms (AKS-74U assault rifles with ammunition!) from the Ministry of Emergency Situations were distributed by Yegor Gaidar into the hands of "defenders of democracy", incl. Boxer militants.
On the "pre-shooting" night at the Moscow City Council, where Yegor Gaidar called on TV at 20:40, crowds of Hasidim gathered! And from the Moscow Soviet balcony, someone simply called for the killing of "these pigs who call themselves Russian and Orthodox."
Alexander Korzhakov’s book “Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn to Dusk” reports that when Yeltsin scheduled the capture of the White House at 7 am on October 4 with the arrival of tanks, the Alpha group refused to storm, considering everything that was happening unconstitutional and demanding the conclusion of the Constitutional Court. , where "Alfa" was dealt the most vile blow, as if a carbon copy, was repeated in Moscow in October 1993.
Both there and here, “unknowns” were involved, who shot at the back of the opposing sides. In one of the communities, our message about snipers was followed by a comment that “these were Israeli snipers, who, under the guise of athletes, were placed in the Ukraine Hotel, from where they conducted aimed fire.”
So where did those very armored personnel carriers with armed civilians (!) come from, who opened fire on the defenders of the parliament FIRST, provoking all further bloodshed? By the way, the Ministry of Emergency Situations had not only “white KAMAZ trucks” from which weapons were handed out at the Moscow City Council, but also armored vehicles!
A year earlier, on the night of November 1, 1992, Shoigu, sent by the same Gaidar (then acting prime minister) to Vladikavkaz to resolve the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, transferred 57 T-72 tanks (together with crews) to the North Ossetian police.
I won’t be surprised if, in addition to the official testimony of the general, who saw the shooting from the American embassy at the soldiers, there are witnesses from the side of the defenders of the White House on October 93, who saw that the same shooters brought down civilians - after all, the fact of the death of several hundred participants in the events and bystanders undeniable.
And, finally, the main thing: having such evidence, we can accuse the American government of the most direct interference in our internal affairs, because even if the snipers were not Americans, providing the roof of the sovereign embassy for such needs puts an end to the non-involvement of American intelligence in that bloodshed. The Americans got blood on their hands.
For me, this fact was a turning point in the assessment of recent Russian history: it turns out that the late Yeltsin not only used the services of economic advisers from the United States and political technologists who helped him win the elections of 1996 (a feature film was even made about these events in the West), but actually sold himself and sold the country, allowing the Americans to participate in the massacre. By the way, the armed reprisal against the Supreme Council itself was provoked from the Kremlin: officially, negotiations were to be held between Yeltsin and Rutskoi, but they did not wait for the result and announced the order to open fire.
We are now overjoyed that in Ukraine the American protege Yushchenko, whose legal wife worked for many years in US intelligence, has been excommunicated from power, but it turns out that our “dear Boris Nikolayevich” was on approximately the same friendly terms with the United States. And it also turns out that American terror, exported to Iraq, took its first steps not at all in Serbia, when Belgrade was bombed in 1999, but on Moscow streets six years earlier.
Giving a new assessment of the events of 17 years ago, one should not become discouraged, but honestly admit: yes, we were cruelly raped, deceived in words and even shot in the back, but it is very important at least after so many years to get to the bottom of the truth. Yes, we were betrayed at the very top, but this does not mean that all the people are ready to put up with this “because of the prescription of years. The sacred words “No one is forgotten and nothing is forgotten begin to acquire a new, relevant meaning. Let's be together, dear friends!
Sergey Stillavin
01.08.2013
Chronicle of the execution of the White House and the establishment of "Constitutional Order"
(Dispersal of the Supreme Soviet of Russia)
1. Reasons for the shooting of the White House. There are at least three of them.
Formal- discrepancy between the Soviet Constitution of the RSFSR of 1978, which establishes the power of the Supreme Council and is unbalanced by the removal of the article on the leading role of the party, with the realities of the presidential republic.
Real- the contradiction of the socio-economic course towards forced liberal transformations and the plunder of the country to the interests of the majority of citizens in the context of the preservation of spontaneous mass democracy.
Operational- the desire of Boris Yeltsin's entourage to speed up the political cataclysm, while it has not yet matured for socio-economic reasons: in the spring of 1994, Yeltsin, according to the then available calculations, no longer had any chance of retaining power.
2. Illegitimate action. The shooting of the White House in 1993 was then experienced very sharply:
- The army did not support Yeltsin (the White House was shot by hired officer crews, then destroyed in Chechnya);
- The closest advisers did not support the execution of the White House (the reason for Stankevich's disgrace is the refusal to directly support the execution on television);
- Alexy II practically reached a compromise and began negotiations unacceptable to the organizers of the conflict;
- The crux of the matter is a coup d'état;
- The state has not dared to demolish the spontaneous memorial at the White House until now; attempts to destroy it under the guise of "repair" of the stadium are blocked by him.
3. Victims stock. The organizers of the action carried out a deliberate extermination of people in order to “cut down” and intimidate the most active layer of society, to discourage the people from the very idea of influencing their own destiny. According to available estimates, killed by an order of magnitude more than official data - about 1500 people
4. The impotence of Rutskoi and Khasbulatov. Rutskoi and Khasbulatov as leaders turned out to be worse than Yeltsin. The abilities of the first were demonstrated during his governorship in the Kursk region (the virtual disappearance of small businesses, even roadside ones), under the second, Russia could have come to a direct ethnic dictatorship (although there would most likely have been no Chechen wars in their direct form).
5. Action consequences. They are as follows.
- Illegitimacy, lawlessness and permissiveness as the norm of life and the norm of power. Desacralization of power.
- The formation of an "occupation regime" - an outwardly democratic dictatorship, but in fact, an autocracy based on global corporations and the Russian mediacracy (hence Yeltsin's touching love for the media that excites journalists so much).
- The transformation of political activity into betrayal (Zyuganov became the sole leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, as you can understand, precisely thanks to Yeltsin's public support).
- Exposure and consolidation of the bestial essence of the anti-Russian part of the intelligentsia.
- A "small victorious war" to increase the authority of the authorities, it is also a major commercial operation in the form of the Chechen war.
- The strategy of destroying Russia for the sake of enriching a handful of corrupt officials and oligarchs.
- A turning point: the people were finally deprived of real influence on the government, and the Russian Holocaust, which continues to this day, has become irreversible.
